The Pullman Strike Essay Example for Free

The Pullman Strike Essay Populism, an agrarian backlash against industrialism, fed on the economic problems of the era and created new urgency in labor activism. Toward the end of the Harrison administration, growing labor discontent led to several strikes, including a violent steel strike in Homestead, Pennsylvania, in July of 1892. Cleveland inherited the challenge of maintaining peace in a time when the patience and endurance of both labor and management were under severe strain. His leadership was especially tested during the Pullman Strike of 1894. Financial crisis and severe economic depression, known in short as the Panic of 1893, placed hardship on industries that already faced significant problems over the last two decades. The Pullman Palace Car Company, which serviced the railroad industry, cut wages by nearly one fourth. Employees who lived in the company-controlled town of Pullman, outside of Chicago, found that rent and other expenses did not decrease in relation to incomes, however, so families spent the same although they earned far less than they had earlier. Members of the American Railway Union in Pullman went on strike in Pullman on May 11, 1894, to protest the situation. The company president, George M. Pullman, refused to discuss the matter or seek arbitration of the dispute. In response to Pullman’s unwillingness to compromise, the union’s national council president, Eugene V. Debs, called for a national boycott of   Pullman cars. The spark ignited a wildfire: soon sympathy strikes broke out in twenty-seven different U.S. states and territories. Chicago in particular became the center of unprecedented violent demonstrations. Despite the bloodshed, the governor of Illinois, John P. Altgeld, refused to call the militia to impose order, because he was sympathetic to the strikers and the difficulties they faced. The U.S. attorney general, Richard Olney, had no such qualms. He secured an injunction against the strikers for impeding mail service and interstate commerce through their actions. Cleveland backed this with force, ordering 2,500 federal troops to Chicago on July 4 despite Governor Altgeld’s wishes. Within a week the strike ended and by July 20, Cleveland felt satisfied that order was restored and withdrew the troops. Union national president Debs was convicted of contempt of court and conspiring against interstate commerce, proving that the Sherman Anti-Trust Act could be used against union officials and activity as well as industry leaders and practices. Debs continued to pen letters and treatises from prison, arguing on behalf of labor concerns and attacking the decision to turn U.S. troops against strikers. Cleveland, however, was satisfied that he had done the right thing by ending violence and putting down the â€Å"riotous mob.† Debs viewed the workers as the victims of management’s greed and the economy’s downturn; Cleveland saw the bystanding people of Chicago who encountered the violence created by the strike situation as the innocents. If Cleveland’s hard money, pro-gold standard position already suggested to populists that he sympathized with business over labor, the president’s actions regarding the Pullman Strike confirmed this assessment. Cleveland’s choice earned the gratitude of industry leaders but severed any final links he might have had with labor. Economists, ministers and other shapers of public opinion joined in the hue and cry against the strikers, their union and its president, Eugene Debs. They called openly for force and violence against the strikers, quoting approvingly Napolean Bonapartes statement: Shooting down one at the right time is saving the lives of tens of thousands in the future. Said Dr. Herrick Johnson, professor at the Presbyterian Theological Seminary in Chicago. The soldiers must use their guns. They must shoot to kill. The soldiers did use their guns and they did shoot to kill25 workers were killed and 60 badly injuredyet the strike remained unbroken. Thus the Associated Press reported: Despite the presence of United States troops and the mobilization of five regiments of state militia; despite threats of martial law and bullet and bayonet, the great strike inaugurated by the American Railway Union holds three-fourths of the roads running out of Chicago in its strong fetters, and last night traffic was more fully paralyzed than at any time since the inception of the tie-up. The intervention of federal troops did not halt the spread of the strike; Troops cannot move trains, Debs wired the striking locals. Nor did the sabotage of the strike by the officials of the railroad brotherhoods. The Pullman strike was broken, not by the U.S. troops, not by the opposition of the leadership of the brotherhoods, but by the action taken by the federal courts. The sweeping injunction made the very command of the union leaders to their striking men . . . an open defiance of the courts. As a result of the injunction, it became literally impossible for the strike leaders, centered in Chicago, to coordinate the striking groups scattered from Michigan to California. When the leadership of the strikers even urged workers to join the struggle, they were cited for contempt and arrested. Moreover, throughout the country, grand juries, hastily impaneled by the government, indicted hundreds of strikers and their leaders for conspiracy. On July 10, the federal grand jury at Chicago returned indictments against the officers of the union, charging them with complicity in obstructing the mails and hindering interstate commerce. Debs and his fellow officers were arrested on the same day and were released on bail. While Debs and his associates were in the custody of the court, the union headquarters were raided and ransacked by a squad of deputy marshals and deputy postoffice inspectors. With the strike leaders removed from the scene of action, the strike headquarters in Chicago ransacked and abandoned, with all contact among the various local organizations of the union cut off, with the newspapers printing false reports of a sweeping back-to-work movement, it is not surprising that most of the strikers became confused and uncertain as how to act. Frantic telegrams poured into the strike headquarters in Chicago, but there was no one there to reply. Small wonder that demoralization spread rapidly among the strikers. Although some workers, especially in Chicago, wrested gains from their employers during the great labor upheaval accompanying the Pullman strike, all of organized labor, along with the A.R.U. suffered an overwhelming defeat. Nevertheless, many American workers gained rich experience and more valuable lessons from the struggle about the underlying wrongs of modern society than all the lectures and publications could secure in a decade. Many workers now saw clearly that the government was the tool of corporate interests, a conviction that wasto intensify the feeling for independent political action in labor circles.They also saw that only through powerfully organized unions and the utmost of solidarity could labor effectively challenge the might of corporate monopolies. As Debs pointed out in a letter to American workers, from Woodstock jail: The recent upheaval has demonstrated the necessity for the solidarity of labor. Divided and cross purposes, labor becomes the sport and prey of its exploiters, but united, harmonious and intelligently directed it rules the world. Yet there were elements in the labor movement who drew precisely the opposite conclusion from the recent upheaval. Many craft union leaders of the A. F. of L. and the railroad brotherhoods saw in the defeat of the strike a justification of their own conservative policies. The ferocity with which the corporate monopolies, the government, and the judiciary struck back at the railroad workers convinced these craft union leaders that any attempt to build trade unions along the lines of the A.R.U.-the lines of industrial unionismwould bring forth similar opposition from this alliance of big business and the government. The only type of unionism that would be tolerated was a unionism which did not seriously threaten the absolute control of the corporate monopolies over the economic and political machinery. To attempt to unite the workers into powerful industrial unions, the craft union leaders argued, was to court the destruction of the existing labor organizations and to doom the trade unions to the fate of the A.R.U. The essence of this trade union strategy can be stated simply: Labor must never seriously challenge big business and the government. Avoid head-on collisions with big corporations and with government. Team up with these industrialists and politicians who seem inclined toward a live-and-let-live policy with the craft unions. Make peace with the employers on certain terms which would keep the craft unions alive even if this meant increased victimization of the unskilled and semiskilled workers. This policy was soon institutionalized in the National Civic Federation. The progressive forces in the labor movement challenged the conclusions the conservative, craft union leaders drew from the Pullman strike. Had all organized labor been united and active in the support of the strikers from the beginning of the boycott, they argued, had it sought militantly to keep the courts and the federal government from entering the dispute, had it tried to restrain the strikebreaking activities of the leaders of the brotherhoods, the final outcome might have been different. At any rate, the lesson of the Pullman strike, as Debs so cogently pointed out, was the crying need for greater not less unity and solidarity in labors ranks. From 1894 on the progressive forces in the American labor movement strove diligently to apply this lesson. The odds against them were great. The corporate monopolies fought tooth and nail to prevent the rise of a labor movement that would unite all of labor in struggle against its exploiters. The monopolists had the ready assistance of the leaders of the craft unions, the press, large sections of the clergy, and, of course, the government, local, state, and federal. But the progressive forces persisted, keeping alive the policy pioneered by the A.R.U.the policy of working class solidarity and for a new organizational form that led toward industrial unionism. In 1905, a delegate to the founding convention of the Industrial Workers of the World characterized the great Pullman Strike as a battle that in spite of the fact that it apparently ended in Woodstock jail, is not ended yet, but is going on today. That battle continued until the cause for which so many workers had sacrificed in 1894 was crowned with success. The ultimate victory, it is significant to note, was predicted in the course of the great strike itself; indeed, at the very point when it appeared almost certain that labors struggle was lost. On a large canvas strip, prominently displayed in Cooper Union Hall, New York City, on the evening of July 12, 1894, where a mass meeting of workers in support of the Pullman strikers was being held, was the following legend: They hanged and quartered John Ball But Feudalism passed away. They hanged John Brown, but Chattel Slaverypassed away. They arrested Eugene Debs, and may kill him, but White Slaverywill pass away. Such souls go marching on. The strike was marked by the precipitate use of Federal troops, which led to rioting, property destruction, and a long casualty list. The strike was reported by conservative journals as an anarchist plot designed to destroy the nation. By suppressing such a black-mailing conspiracy as the boycott of the Pullman cars by the American Railway Union, asserted the New York Herald, the nation is fighting for its own existence just as truly as in suppressing the great rebellion.    Typical of the Pullman Strike, as of other struggles, was the liberal-conservative split. William H. Garwardine, a pastor who had ministered to the strikers, warned that we as a nation are dividing ourselves, like ancient Rome into two classes, the rich and the poor, the oppressor and the oppressed. Unless the government enforced justice he predicted, the nation would not prosper . . . [nor] long perpetuate itself and its institutions. Those who supported, as well as those who despised, labor thought the events of the Nineties were pushing the republic to the brink of chaos, but reformers blamed class oppression rather than radicalism and proposed to do away with poverty rather than to discipline it. Despite all these forebodings, the dismal future never dawned. The workers and farmers did not rise, and the lives and property of the middle class were never touched. If Americans had not been misled by their own fears, they would perhaps have realized that these conflicts, though violent, would never be revolutionary. The industrial armies, the workers, and the Populists did not want to destroy the system; they simply wanted to secure a place within it or at least to change it back to what it had been in 1860. The strikes were defensive, aimed at very practical ends like preventing wage cuts. They were not the class-conscious assaults imagined by the left and feared by the bourgeoisie. Populism took its menacing tone, not from radical aims like nationalizing wealth, but from outraged conservatism. A stubborn clinging to the past, an attempt to regain lost virtuesthese forces lay behind the agrarian crusades embittered idealism. Too often, in their fear, people accepted the slogans of socialists, unions, and Populists as accurate descriptions of reality. They mistook programs for philosophies, and what they saw as the death throes of our civilization were really its growth pangs.

Book Report on A Modern Utopia by H. G. Wells Essay -- Modern Utopia W

Book Report on A Modern Utopia by H. G. Wells H. G. Wells’ book, A Modern Utopia was published in 1905. This book seems to be unique for two reasons. As Wells tells us, it is told from the point of view of "a whitish plump man" that he calls the "Voice" (1). This allows the book to be what Wells calls, "a sort of shot-silk texture between philosophical discussion on the one hand and imaginative narrative on the other" because the Utopia that we visit in the story is the one inside the mind of the "Voice" or the narrator (ix). He (the Voice) is talking to a friend, a botanist that continues with him on his journeys, about utopian thought when suddenly these two men have been transported past Sirius to Utopia, the Voice’s ideal planet that is exactly the mirror of Earth, from geology to each individual person. Sometimes the narrator describes what is actually going on around them, what they are actually doing in Utopia, but more often he talks about what he thinks Utopia should be like, and the reader must interpret this as how this Utopia is, since this Utopia itself is in his imagination. The plot is this: the two men find themselves on this new planet by a feat of imagination. They find a coin on the ground, which pays for the inn at which they stay for a few nights. They speak to a man who dislikes the government and prefers Nature and simplicity. Because they are running out of money, the two men go to the Public Office to try and find work, where they are fingerprinted. The fingerprints surprisingly identify an existing citizen of Utopia, the record of the men’s duplicate. Because of the confusion, the men are shipped to a toy-carving factory in Lucerne, where, because the authorities figure out that they have doubles... ...es not appear in any utopian visions of the ancients, and thus marks this world different from those of antiquity. This brings up an interesting question; since this world is based on capitalism, is it attainable from our present capitalist society? Why or Why not? Is it possible to have a capitalist utopia? The Voice’s double argues that wealth is not power. Is this true? Could it be true under different circumstances? This Utopia is also a global, World State. Is this feasible? Is this necessary? This Utopia proclaims itself imperfect. Is this an oxymoron? Is a society that admits room for improvement a Utopia? The ruling class of this Utopia, the Samurai, is a voluntary ruling class. What problems would this involve? What problems would it solve? Works Cited Wells, H. G. A Modern Utopia. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1967.

Patch Adams Relection Paper Essay

The movie Patch Adams is a truly inspiring movie for all those who wish to become doctors. The reason I enjoyed the movie, as is for most people, is the character and attitude portrayed by the lead actor Robin Williams. His role in the movie is both fascinating and inspiring. He was a man who, although initially considered himself to sick and suicidal, became one of the greatest flames in the medical history. The part that truly inspires me is his passion. There are very few people in the field today who work out of passion and love. In the process of learning every disease, cure and treatment know to man kind, medical students and doctors tend to forget that they are not treating machines but human beings who deserve not just their attention but also their compassion and sympathy. While I was watching the movie I realized that to become a doctor u need to work hard and pass your exams, but more importantly what u need is the interest and desire to really learn and put the acquired knowledge to use. I realized that if one has the passion and desire, then everything will automatically fall into place. I realized that by scoring the highest in your exams or by mastering every word in the book you only become a doctor. To become a great doctor what you need is passion, dedication and, most important of all, compassion. Another thing that I realized while watching the movie is the need to be open minded and to adapt. The field of medicine is an ever growing, ever developing one. With every passing day there is some or the other new disease or treatment. We have to keep our minds open to all such developments and accept the changes. I also learnt that this open mindedness is important not only in the theoretical knowledge we acquire but that practical life we live. One, no matter how high a position they acquire in the field, should always be open to change and suggestions because the only thing constant in life is change. In fact this movie reminded me of something my dad always tell me, â€Å"look at life through the eyes of a child and live each day like it is either your first or your last. If you can do this then what you have in you is not just focus and concentration but also passion, and an open mind and the willingness to learn.†

College Campus Dangerous Incidents On Colleges Campuses

College freshmen are so excited when they enter the campus with a hope of enjoying their freedom. They also expect to be safe on their college campus but dangerous incidents on colleges campuses have increased in recent years. In one situation, an 18-year-old freshman student at one of the Chicago’s university could not forget her Friday night at the university dorm when she was attacked (Schulte, 2014). She said she was being watched couple times around campus by other man from a distance. After few days she was introduced to that man at her friend’s birthday party. That man asked her if he could drop her off to the dorm since her friends left her after party without letting her know. The girl was drinking all night and she did not want to be alone with that man so, she asked him to leave the dorm immediately. But he did not leave, and instead he took advantage of the situation. Later, the girl found herself without clothes and in awful condition when she woke up. She immediately contacted campus police and asked for help and to find that man who did this cruelty to her. Her problem was she did not get justice yet as police are still investigating to find that attacker (Schulte, 2014). There are still many underage students like this girl who are sexually assaulted after parties every day. And many of them abuse other drugs because they are heavily drunk. However, these kind of harmful behaviors are creating problems in students’ life, but it could be stopped. The purposeShow MoreRelatedThe Problem With Gun Control1016 Words   |  5 PagesThe problem with gun control in college campuses has become a debate nowadays. 50% of the population is for it as well as against it. Despite all the positive feedback the public has to say about allowing concealed weapons on campus, they are dangerous. Guns should not be allowed on college campuses because students are not fully matured, are under the influence, and it affects the learning environment. 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Police Brutality in Modern Media - Free Essay Example

Sample details Pages: 7 Words: 2073 Downloads: 4 Date added: 2019/03/29 Category Society Essay Level High school Tags: Police Brutality Essay Did you like this example? Police Brutality in the Media Propaganda is built into the DNA of America. It is a rising epidemic that American journalist have repeatedly incorporated while releasing information to the public. Their actions are self-evident through profound issues such as Police Brutality, which have been misconstrued in such a way that diverts from the publics original perspective. As a result, the media is presented falsified information, that undermines the original truth. The pain of those affected by its dreadful oppression, have unknowingly adapted as a norm in society. It is no longer a grave issue when an African American man is shot in cold blood but seen as a causal antic. Through concrete analysis of the history of police brutality, the American societys response has gradually altered over time. Corrupt law enforcers with soiled hands can walk freely due to the failing justice system, that citizens have no knowledge in. They lack knowledge because they are not receiving adequate information on the events are that taking place every day. Don’t waste time! Our writers will create an original "Police Brutality in Modern Media" essay for you Create order Instead, they are receiving a biased, watered down form of the truth. This causes injustice to rise, and the justice system to turn a blind eye towards the citizens of this country. Despite controversial belief that propaganda has no effect on todays society, an analysis of various articles concerning police brutality reveals that in an attempt to convey a more authentic read, journalist have repeated the style of incorporating persuasive language along with emotional examples presented by influential sources to cover up underlined bias, which ultimately influences the publics perception of violence in the hands of law enforcement. The issue of police brutality serves as a controversial topic in which a clear majority of the American population understand the danger that police brutality has on Black-American lives and the progression of society. While, another portion of the American population continue to make excuses for the actions of police. This distinction is evident through the authors selected point of view when writing articles. Although the perception of bias relays the article, journalists continue the implication of rhetoric to cover it up. When writing, journalists attempt to create a subtle and clear stance in their argument however, steering away from making their writing highlight the obvious reason as to why their position was chosen. The CNN journalist, Michael Martinez, in the article, California Cop Placed on Leave in The Wake of Third Brutality Allegations, addresses the topic of police brutality and argues that the rising levels of brutality from law enforcement is becoming an issue amo ngst society. Its ironic that the examples used in this article were taken from a Hispanic-American just as the journalist in the article. Martinez presents all the faults in the actions of police by using reports from each of the investigation. The sources he provides, not only validates his argument but creates a logical backbone to the article. Another noticeable act Martinez demonstrates is his eloquent use of persuasive language. From beginning to end his diction consistently sides against police brutality, urging the readers to do so as well. He fails to include any personal anecdotes in fear of creating a biased piece of writing. These same uses of rhetoric were also evident in an article from TIME magazine written by Howard Safir, the former commissioner of the New York City Police Department called Police Brutality Is Inexcusable-And Rare. In this writing, he urges readers that the killing of civilians by authority is rare and due to threat amongst life (Safir 1). In the beginning of the article, Safir says the shootingis an enormous tragedy and will hurt the image of police officers and police departments (Safir 1). Being a former commissioner, it is expected that he would be rational in his opinion regarding the matter. However, when stating his claim, he begins by embedding diction that made him appear neutral to the situation. His mechanism of pros and cons to show his equality in his opinion is put to cover any accusations of bias. He also appeals to readers emotions by presenting the actions of police as misunderstood and rare. Safir does this by including quotes such as police officers are human beings they make mistakes (Safir 1) and law enforcement is a noble profession and should be regarded as such (Safir 1). These quotes were not only used as a form of justification for the actions of the police but created sympathy for them. Emotional subduction distracts readers from where their sources are coming from, and the effect it has on their perception. Safir also exemplifies and authenticates his information by providing statistics and percentages from cases. For example, he says only 1% of encounters between police citizens results in any use of force at all and nine out of ten cases, citizens are happy with their interaction, and in 99 out of 100, no force is used (Safir 1). These two examples visually attract the reader to take in the information as accurate and reputable. The attraction befuddles readers away from the journalist himself, and the obviousness as to his opinion and how it is embedded into the claim. Although they apply the same uses of rhetoric to express their opinion, American and international journalists have different motives when expressing arguments through writing and who they wish to appeal to. This contrast can be seen in articles regarding police brutality in countries like Syria. Most of the journalist are Syrian as well and most of the time, are going through the same oppression as their fellow citizens rather than just witnessing it. Because of that, the writings are created to amplify a reaction from readers in efforts to end police brutality. For example, in an article called Torture in Syria published by an anonymous Syrian journalist for state of enlightenment they use audacious diction when describing the events such as rattled the middle east, severe human rights abuse and torturing prisoners (Torture). Unlike American journalist whose pathos is used to invoke sympathy and remorse, international journalist writes to invoke vengeance and anger. Another example of this implication is seen in a New York Times article concerning police brutality in Nigeria called Changing Nigerias Cruel Police Culture written by Adewale Maja-Pearce who happens to be Nigerian as well. In the article, Pearce illustrates the acts of police brutality he witnessed in Nigeria. He uses a very gruesome tone to not only detail interrogation acts by police but to also appeal to the readers. Instead of using words like I heard him cry out remorsefully, Pearce writes I will never forget his screams when the first lash laced across his back. (Maja-Pearce 1). As the article proceeds, Pearce includes a statement from the police forces public relations officer saying the police forcehas significantly improved on its human rights records (Maja-Pearce 1). This statement validates how although the police force claims to be putting an end to the issue, the problem prevails and is even getting worse. By fastening this contradiction, Pearce hopes that readers can take information from such a high positioned course and see it as a sign of everyone being corrupt. This action changes the perception of those that thought change was occurring. Another noticeable act by this certain journalist was how he presented the information by using distinct language. Pearce reemphasized the calamity of the situation along with the effects it had on the Nigerian population. The use of words like demoralization, torture and impunity serves as negative connotations to describe what the police are doing (Maja-Pearce 1). As readers go through this article, they are disgusted, appalled and angered; exactly what the journalist intended. Conclusively, the style of journalism remains the same worldwide but the motivation and audience of each contrast with one another. Traditionally, the idea of death in the hands of police would be repulsive and vile but now, the American society is becoming accustomed to these actions. It is evident that the change in journalistic coverage plays a role in the publics reaction to police brutality over time. The vicissitude of publics opinion on police brutality is shown through the amount of different forms of rhetoric embed. Increase and decrease of the rhetoric shapes the publics opinion on the information; dangerously important or a repeated tragedy. In an article by thinkprogress.org named, What Has Changed about Police Brutality in America written by Nicole Flatow, an act of brutality by police that occurred in 1991 was described as such an unthinkable crime, that it resulted in immediate consequence to the police. After the publication of the first article concerning that case, the readers reaction triggered three days of violent riots during which at least 53 people died and created immense momentum for r eform, so of course the addition of this information was in the form of pathos which invoked the readers reaction (Flatow 1). However, journalist was able to carry that out with just their style of writing and implication of very few forms of rhetoric, leading to more actualization of the event taking place. Now an analysis of an article concerning the same topic written this year would show you that persuasive language, emotional examples and credible sources have been amplified and exaggerated to where it does nothing but created an awe, that sucks effect on the public. For example, in an article titled Police Can Use A Deadly Force If They Merely Perceive a Threat, written by a journalist named German Lopez, it is shown how reports on a noticed correlation people getting pulled over by police received a variety of reactions from the public. Because of this observation, Legally, what most matters in these shootings is whether police officers reasonably believed that their or others lives were in danger, not whether the shooting victim actually posed a threat (Lopez 5). Just compare this reaction to th at of today. If this same observation were displayed today, the actions of todays court proves that a reaction is less likely to happen. Journalist are seemingly aware that the coverage of bias makes their writing appear more authentic in the eyes of readers. How the public perceives the information is affected by the written opinion of the journalist, which is shown through the actions seen today. With the riots, protests, and even reform movements such as required police cameras are example of results from persuasive writings. For example, a Houston Chronicle journalist, Cindy George in the article Victories Claimed in Police Brutality Suits addresses the topic of police brutality and argues that Houston area Polices are blindly being cleared of all wrongdoings. Her purpose was to display the level of difficulty in trying to gain justice from police wrongdoings to show how easily police can get away with acts of brutality. She persuasively develops her article by developing pathos to analyze emotional examples in which the victims were hurt due to the fault 6 of police. She also includes the opinion of Bill Helfan d, who represented the Webster and Stafford officers and whose firm dominates the defense of police liability cases statewide as a credible source of information (George 1). With the use of these forms of rhetoric, the journalist sculpts the opinion of readers regarding police brutality. The increase of police brutality is becoming a worldwide dilemma. So, because of this growing pandemic, journalist have taken advantage of the ignorance and fear of the public in efforts to not only get their opinion across but to prompt a reaction. These same master minds are aware of how using biased opinions can deteriorate the authenticity of their writing. As a result, journalist uses the style of incorporating persuasive language along with emotional examples presented by influential sources to cover up underlined bias ultimately influencing the publics perception of violence in the hands of law enforcement. CITED PAGE Flatow, Nicole. What Has Changed about Police Brutality in America. Think Progress.org. N.p., 11 Sept. 2014. Web. 21 Feb. 2015. George, Cindy. Victories Claimed in Police Brutality Suits. Houston Chronicle. Cindy George 6 June 2015. Web. 23 Jan. 2016 Lopez, German. Police Can Use Deadly Force If They Merely Perceive a Threat.Vox, 15 June 2015, www.vox.com/cards/police-brutality-shootings-us/police-deadly-force-perceived-threat. Martinez, Michael, and Stan Wilson. California Cop Placed on Leave in Wake of Third Brutality Allegation. CNN. Cable News Network, 16 Sept. 2011. Web. 02 Dec. 2015. Pearce, Adewale Maja. Changing Nigerias Cruel Police Culture. New York Times. N.p., 7 Oct. 2014. Web. 21 Feb. 2015. Safir, Howard. Howard Safir on Walter Scott: Police Brutality Is Inexcusable-And Rare. Time, Time, 8 Apr. 2015, time.com/3814344/walter-scott-howard-safir-police-brutality-is-inexcusable-and-rare/. Torture in Syria. State Of Enlightment. N.p., 13 Feb. 2012. Web

Amazon, Inc. The Leading Online Retailer Essay - 2116 Words

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DayDream Nation by Sonic Youth free essay sample

Sonic youths fifth studio Album Daydream Nation is possibly one of the more unique albums I have ever heard. When I first listened to the album a couple years back, I thought I was going to be listening to the soundtrack of a movie called Day Dream Nation ( I later discovered the movie and album shared the name.) So I kinda listened to it by accident, but it was a great accident because once I listened to the album all the way through I loved what I heard. I mean its one of my favorite albums. So I began listening to more of their albums. and within a few weeks time I was a fan and I have been ever since. Sonic youth Really delivers with this album. with Thurston Moores strange but satisfying Guitar playing. And Kim Gordons Spoken word singing style that draws you in almost immediately. We will write a custom essay sample on DayDream Nation by Sonic Youth or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page It makes you want to not only hear the song but listen to it as well. This Album is Timeless. Its one of those Iconic albums that will stick around for a long while. Other than bizarre guitar playing and singing styles, This album has the kind of songs, with the kind of lyrics that stay with you. An example of this would be the albums single Teen Age Riot I mean, This song is Seven minutes of lyric gold. It makes you think. It makes you want to listen to more of their songs.It makes you want to know the story behind the song. To me thats just brilliant. All and all, this is just an amazing, creative and smart album from a band that has inspired so many other great bands like Nirvana and Yeah Yeah Yeahs and countless other bands and artist. Sonic Youth just really outdid themselves when they produced Daydream Nation. fourteen years after its release In 1988, Pitchfork Media ranked it number 1 on their list of The one-hundred greatest albums of the 1980s. It has been able to remain relevant after all these years. And I believe it will continue too inspire artist for many years to come.